Tag Archives: Russia

Украина: Олигархический мятеж в Донбассе

Ukraine: The Oligarchic Rebellion in the Donbass – in Russian. Available also in English, French and Polish.

Andrew Butko, CC BY-SA 3.0

Andrew Butko, CC BY-SA 3.0

С точки зрения концентрации капитала Донбасс существенно превосходит другие области Украины и является главным бастионом монополистического капитала.

После падения режима Януковича, то есть после потери государственной власти политической и экономической элитой Донбасса, эта элита попала в панику. Решила отступить в свою твердыню, чтобы сохранить свою власть по крайней мере там: ввести автономию региона, на этот раз политическую, принять поддержку русского империализма и, при необходимости, с его военной поддержкой, организовать сецессию.

Мы знаем, какова была роль Рината Ахметова, донецкого промышленного магната и самого могущественного олигарха Украины. «Донецкая Народная Республика была его проектом», прямо признавал сайт сепаратистов «Русская весна». Один из руководителей мятежа, Павел Губарев, наивно рассказал российским СМИ о роли Партии регионов и Ахметова: «Начали появляться лидеры так называемого народного ополчения во всех городах. И партия власти, олигархи наши восточные начали работать с активистами народного ополчения. Оказалось, что две трети из активистов уже на содержании олигарха Ахметова. Очень небольшая группа лиц сохраняла верность идее, но при этом все равно брала деньги. Деньги брали все!»

«Донбасские контрас» – такой термин особенно уместен применительно к олигархическому мятежу в Донбассе, потому что он напоминает нам о вооруженном контрреволюционном движении под эгидой США в Никарагуа после свержения режима Сомосы.

 

Вся статья доступна здесь: 

Збигнев Марцин Ковалевский, Украина: Олигархический мятеж в Донбассе

Ukraine : Une rébellion oligarchique dans le Donbass

Ruins_of_Donetsk_International_Airport_(2)Publié originalement en polonais dans Le Monde diplomatique – Edycja polska, en décembre 2014.

La « contra du Donbass » – un tel terme convient particulièrement à la rébellion oligarchique du Donbass, car elle rappelle singulièrement le mouvement armé contre-révolutionnaire sponsorisé par les États-Unis au Nicaragua après le renversement du régime de Somoza.

Les barons du Parti des régions et les magnats industriels ont commencé à mobiliser cette « contra » déjà pendant le Maïdan. Une campagne de propagande a été déclanchée avec le soutien des télévisions du régime russe, hégémoniques dans cette région, concernant le danger mortel venant des « nazis, fascistes et bandéristes ».

Le Parti communiste d’Ukraine (PCU), assez influent dans le Donbass, affolait carrément les gens avec des répliques de la rhétorique nazie sur les ghettos juifs : le Maïdan – « blanc à l’extérieur, noir à l’intérieur » – serait comme les ghettos noirs des États-Unis : un foyer de parasites oisifs.

Citons cette propagande infâme : «  Au moins à New York, à Los Angeles et à San Francisco la police fait parfois des raids dans de tels lieux et flingue simplement quelques Nègres enragés. [19]  Rien de surprenant dans cette explosion du racisme : le PCU est un parti colonial.

 

 L’article complet est accessible ici :

Zbigniew Marcin Kowalewski, Ukraine : Une rébellion oligarchique dans le Donbass

 

Aussi en anglais et en polonais.

Ukrainian “capitulates” after 30 years in prison (1986)

Euromaidan

Euromaidan, Mstyslav Chernov

This article was written in 1986. A year earlier Mikhail Gorbachev acceded to power in the Soviet Union. Three months earlier, at the 27th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, he announced a sensational program of reforms. For growing sectors of the left in the world it augured or at least promised a rebirth of socialism in the USSR. My point of view was completely different.

Events at the top of the Soviet power pyramid confirmed that the bureaucratic rule entered a phase of irremediable crisis. On the horizon there was the capitalist restoration and the breakup of the USSR along national lines. What became very probable was a mass upsurge of the oppressed nationalities against Russian imperialism.

It posed the crucial problem: if national revolutions broke out there, how they would be able to combine with sociopolitical revolutions against both the bureaucratic rule and the capitalist restoration?

But at the same time it was very probable that the fall of the Soviet Union and the Soviet Bloc would be accompanied by an enormous political confusion, crisis and fall of the radical left on the world scale. This is why I wrote:

“I read recently that Reagan has declared himself a supporter of Solidarność’s program. How could he say that he is a supporter of a program that calls for building a self-governed republic based on social ownership of the means of production and on workers’ self-management? Why not? If American workers and unionists do not know much more about it than American Blacks and Chicanos used to know about the program of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army? We should realize the kind of world we are living in. The Kremlin satraps lay claim to the tradition of the Russian revolution and declare their support for the Third World liberation movements. The man who led the victorious revolution against American imperialism in Cuba goes to Moscow to proclaim there that ‘you can’t shut out the sun with a finger’. The sun in question is the USSR, which other revolutionists, the Ukrainians, have excoriated as a giant prison house of nations. Some leaders of the Polish revolution, crushed by the totalitarian bureaucracy, have sent the chiefs of US imperialism, which exploits the workers and oppresses the peoples of a good part of the planet, expressions of gratitude for the latters’ intransigent defence of democracy. We have to recognize the devastating consequences these paradoxes have for the consciousness of the workers and peoples throughout the world, in whatever camp they live, whatever immediate enemy they face. You could get the impression that we have set one foot into the Orwellian world in which ‘freedom is slavery and ignorance is power’. But we should not give way to impressions. We should assume our responsibilities.”

Today the challenge is still essentially the same.

The full article is available here:

Zbigniew Marcin Kowalewski, Ukrainian “capitulates” after 30 years in prison (1986)

Ukraine: The oligarchic rebellion in the Donbas

Donetsk People's RepublicOriginally published in Polish in Le Monde diplomatique – Edycja polska, in December 2014.

The “Donbas contra” – such a term is particularly appropriate to the oligarchic rebellion in the Donbas because it strongly reminds us of the armed counter-revolutionary movement sponsored by the United States in Nicaragua after the overthrow of the Somoza regime.

The barons of the Party of Regions and the industrial magnates already began to mobilize this “contra” during Maidan. A propaganda campaign on the deadly danger coming from the “Nazis, fascists and Banderaites” of the Maidan was unleashed, supported by the television channels of the Russian regime, hegemonic in this region.

The Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU), quite influential there, did not hesitate to copy the Nazi discourse on the Jewish ghettos, speaking of the Maidan – “white on the outside, black on the inside” – by comparing it to the black ghettos of the United States, described as being inhabited by idle parasites.

Let us quote this vile propaganda: “At least in New York, Los Angeles and San Francisco the police sometimes make raids on such places and simply kill a few rabid Negroes.” There is nothing surprising in this explosion of racism – the CPU is a colonial party.

The full article is available here:

Zbigniew Marcin Kowalewski, Ukraine: The oligarchic rebellion in the Donbas

Also in Polish:

Российский империализм

Russian Imperialism, in Russian. Thanks to the Praxis Research and Educational Center, an independent, voluntary collective, founded in 1998 by scholars and activists of social movements grouped around the Victor Serge Public Library in Moscow.

ilustrСпасибо Научно-просветительскому центру «Праксис»общественной организации, созданной группой ученых и активистов социальных и гражданских движений в 1998 г. на базе Общественной библиотеки имени Виктора Сержа.

We cannot understand the present crisis in Ukraine if we do not understand that Russia is still and always an imperialist power.

Нынешний украинский кризис невозможно понять, если не признать, что Россия по-прежнему является империалистической державой.

Доступный здесь: Збигнев Марцин Ковалевский, Российский империализм

Also in English, French, Greek, Italian and Polish.

Praksis-logo

Rebelia oligarchiczna w Donbasie

The Oligarchic Rebellion in the Donbas – in Polish

Published in the December 2014 issue of the Polish monthly, Le Monde diplomatique – Edycja polska

Motorola unit fighter

Separatysta – Gennadiy Dubovoy, CC BY 3.0

A resume

The region of Donbas is the stronghold of monopoly bourgeoisie, called oligarchy. The Donbas big capitals are the most concentrated, powerful and predatory, best organized and united ones in Ukraine.  Between the forties and the eighties of the 20th century  the Donbas was the Ukrainian region most affected by the long-term, intensive and planned policy of Russification waged in the Soviet Union by the Russian bureaucratic imperialism. The political goal of this policy was to form an image of the region as the Russophone stronghold in Ukraine.

With the establishment of the Yanukovych regime, the Donbas monopoly capital took over the central political power in Ukraine. The fall of this regime, overthrown by the masses in the Kiev Maidan, was at the same time the fall of the the central political power of the Donbas monopoly capital. The separatist armed rebellion in the Donbas was a panic reaction of regional oligarchy against the loss of central political power and an attempt to save the oligarchic power at least in the region, with the support of Russian imperialism.

The author believes that, for class reasons, no program of national defense advanced by the Ukrainian bourgeois government and based on an illusory support from Western imperialist powers will succeed. To achieve the national independence and unity, Ukraine needs a completely different program that “would count more on a mass movement, on an action of the whole people, than on a regular army”. (This is a quotation from a book published in 1863 by Maurycy Mochnacki, a revolutionary militant for the independence of Poland.)

Zbigniew Marcin Kowalewski, Rebelia oligarchiczna w Donbasie

A Ukrainian Marxist and soldier – in French

A Ukrainian army armoured personal carrier in MariupolA translation into French of the interview with a Ukrainian Marxist militant, published on the Ukrainian anarchist web site, nihilist.li. He is fighting in the Donbas as a volunteer soldier of the Ukrainian Armed Forces. He explains that he is doing the same as the Bolsheviks did when they defended the Kerensky government against the Kornilov Putsch. In a war between White Guards and the Ukrainian People’s Republic led by Symon Petliura, he says, referring to another historical parallel, the choice between them is evident for him as a Marxist, in favour of the latter. He argues that you cannot stop the Russian imperialist aggression without fighting it with arms in hand. He explains also, among others, what he thinks about the nature of the Maidan mass uprising, the historical reasons of anti-communist sentiments among Ukrainian soldiers, the dangers from the far right, the weakness of the Ukrainian left and the attitude of the Western and Russian left toward the events in Ukraine. Finally, he comments on what should be done.

 

Un soldat ukrainien, Pour moi, en tant que marxiste, le choix entre les gardes blancs et les pétliouristes est évident

 

See this interview also in Russian and Polish and a resume in English. A translation into English will be available soon.

Vsevolod Holubnychy: The Future of the Soviet Union (1951)

Vsevolod Holubnychy

Vsevolod Holubnychy, Edusa.org

This article could have been the most impressive and serious contribution to Marxist debates about the perspectives of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union after the Second World War, but rested almost totally ignored. It was written in 1951, exactly forty years before the fall of the URSS, by Vsevolod Holubnychy. A young wartime immigrant from the Soviet Ukraine, Holubnychy became in the West, at first, a radical left-wing militant inside the Ukrainian diaspora, and, later, a scholar. His viewpoint on the future of the USSR was based on a first-hand and theoretically informed knowledge of Soviet social realities, popular moods and ideological developments of the anti-Soviet nationalist underground in Ukraine. Today the article poses some crucial questions that are still worth discussion in the light of the long-term effects of bureaucratic rule upon the evolution of the Soviet society and the development of restorationist tendencies.

Vsevolod Holubnychy, The Future of the Soviet Union (1951)

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